Friday, May 25, 2007
Final Essay - Question 3:
In terms of blogs, discuss how participatory culture has impacted on the public sphere both in respect to the way in which it disrupts old paradigms of power, and entrenches new mechanisms of control.
Introduction
Photoblog. Tumblelog. Corporate blog. Moblog. Vlog. Link log. Fashion blog. Project blog. The plethora of genres that a blog may take, is evidence of its own popularity explosion. The term ‘blog’, short for ‘weblog’, generally refers to “an online journal comprised of links and postings in reverse chronological
order” (Gillmor, 2004: 29). Similarly, ‘blogging’ describes blog-related acts, (such as writing your own blog or commenting on another person’s blog) and the collective term ‘blogosphere’ refers to the totality of blogs in existence at any one time. Blogs constitute a form of ‘participatory culture’, as sites where consumers “actively participate in the creation and circulation of new content” (Jenkins, 2006: 290). Arguably the most common form of ‘participatory culture’, the dramatic multiplication of blogs has attracted further examination of this concept. Specifically, this essay will focus on the ways in which participatory culture has impacted on the public sphere.
The public sphere, a concept introduced by media theorist Jurgen Habermas, refers to “any and all locations, physical or virtual, where ideas and feelings relevant to politics are transmitted or exchanged openly” (Bennett and Entman, 2001: 3). The development of new media and the emergence of participatory culture however, has seen critical changes in this idea. Two key impacts on the public sphere will be discussed specifically in terms of blogs. Namely, the way in which such consumer participation has disrupted old paradigms of power and entrenched new mechanisms of control.
The impact of blogs is particularly prominent in the corporate and political environs of America. These particular areas will therefore be used as a platform through which the influence of blogs on the public sphere can be further explored. Specifically; the development of the ‘Baghdad Blogger’ during the Iraq War, the racial scandal involving U.S Senator Trent Lott in December 2002, and musician Billy Bragg’s lobbying to protect user rights, will be analysed.
order” (Gillmor, 2004: 29). Similarly, ‘blogging’ describes blog-related acts, (such as writing your own blog or commenting on another person’s blog) and the collective term ‘blogosphere’ refers to the totality of blogs in existence at any one time. Blogs constitute a form of ‘participatory culture’, as sites where consumers “actively participate in the creation and circulation of new content” (Jenkins, 2006: 290). Arguably the most common form of ‘participatory culture’, the dramatic multiplication of blogs has attracted further examination of this concept. Specifically, this essay will focus on the ways in which participatory culture has impacted on the public sphere.
The public sphere, a concept introduced by media theorist Jurgen Habermas, refers to “any and all locations, physical or virtual, where ideas and feelings relevant to politics are transmitted or exchanged openly” (Bennett and Entman, 2001: 3). The development of new media and the emergence of participatory culture however, has seen critical changes in this idea. Two key impacts on the public sphere will be discussed specifically in terms of blogs. Namely, the way in which such consumer participation has disrupted old paradigms of power and entrenched new mechanisms of control.
The impact of blogs is particularly prominent in the corporate and political environs of America. These particular areas will therefore be used as a platform through which the influence of blogs on the public sphere can be further explored. Specifically; the development of the ‘Baghdad Blogger’ during the Iraq War, the racial scandal involving U.S Senator Trent Lott in December 2002, and musician Billy Bragg’s lobbying to protect user rights, will be analysed.
Thursday, May 24, 2007
Disrupting Old Power Paradigms
Exactly what is meant when referring to the ‘old paradigms of power’ is encapsulated in the expression “top-down corporate media” (Jenkins, 2006: 243). The phrase describes the power hold of corporations (at the top) over consumers (at the bottom) in the traditional mass media setting. This is a single-tier setting in which media information is broadcasted from a complex corporate organization to an audience that is “relatively large, heterogenous…(and) anonymous” (Wright, 1960: 606). It is important to note that this traditional relationship between the mass media and its audience, is characterized by an inequality of power – where the media companies decide what will be produced, and the audience passively consume the information. Such a relationship has given rise to the idea of media ‘gatekeepers’ – for example directors, editors and media moguls – who control what and when certain information is permitted to enter the media realm. Furthermore, new media theorists such as Jenkins, suggest that these “old rules are open to change and companies may be forced to renegotiate their relationship to consumers” (Jenkins, 2006: 243). At the heart of this transition, lies “bottom-up participatory culture” (Jenkins, 2006: 243). Thus, participatory culture can potentially dislocate these old rules of power in a variety of ways. The idea of democratisation, grassroots media production and the regulatory function of blogs, will be examined to provide clarity on this suggestion.
Those adopting the optimistic view in which “blogs are taken to be a new form of journalism” often praise the ‘democratic’ attributes of new media (Cohen, 2006: 99). In particular, blogs are hailed as an equalising force on the relationship between consumers and producers of media. Several key theorists, such as O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, describe this process as ‘democratisation’ of the media sphere (2002). The concept refers to “increased access to communication and information”, of which “the Internet is the major element” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). Not surprisingly, the clearest and most prominent example of this idea in effect, is that of any blog. American Josh Marshall’s leading political blog, ‘Talking Points Memo’, will be used as the case in point. Specifically, it is worth noting Marshall’s blogging activity during December 2002. It was at this time that Trent Lott, the U.S Senate majority leader, made racially insensitive remarks at a key news event. Other than the ABC News, (who “ran a small piece about it, but got no reaction”) these remarks were not picked up in mainstream media reports of the occasion (Naughton, 2004: 2). As a result, “the story effectively died” (Naughton, 2004: 2). Bloggers however, led by Josh Marshall, seized on Lott’s comments. Immediately following the event, Marshall continued to scrutinize the politician and carried out his own investigations – revealing past statements made by Lott that were similarly insensitive. After the incident was made “the subject of intense online commentary,” the continuous prodding of the blogosphere “renewed media attention that converted Lott’s gaffe into a full-blown scandal” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 33). Lott eventually resigned his leadership position “under party pressure” (Perlmutter, 2005: 60).
Although previously rejected by the mass media, Marshall effectively kept this story alive and facilitated its deserved entry into the media system. In doing so, Marshall illustrates how “it is now possible for anyone to become a media practitioner and to start bypassing some of the standard media outlets” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). There was no traditional editorial force acting on Marshall’s story before it was published, nor was there any pressure for the story to achieve a public reaction in order to be pursued. This “unprecedented personal control over the production, manipulation, and distribution of content”, that is offered by new media forms, challenges the inequalities of power that previously existed (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). Furthermore, the case of Trent Lott demonstrates how “blogging…has broken down the controlling distinctions that once existed between…insiders and outsiders, professionals and amateurs” (McNair, 2006: 132).
An additional source of the changing power balance can be found in citizen journalism. This form of grassroots media production refers to “content (that) is generated almost exclusively by members of the community, rather than by professional journalists” (Miller, 2005: 22). One of the most influential examples of such citizen journalism took place during the Iraq War. For instance, Salam Pax was the pseudonym for a 29-year-old Iraqi architect whose online diary, “featuring wry and candid observations about life in wartime”, earned him a cult following (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32). Pax's blog, 'Where is Raed?' is a “well-crafted” English-language journal, “purporting to offer a first hand report of the war” and attracting almost 100,000 visitors in March 2003 (The Advocate Report, 2003: 1). In the absence of “a substantial foreign news corps on the ground,” Pax provided regular “dispatches from the scene of the most dramatic events” (McNair, 2006: 126). His blog’s immense popularity however, can largely be attributed to his alternative perspective, as a local Iraqi who conveyed a sense of dismay at the destruction of his city (made clear in his interview with Australian talk show host Andrew Denton). It was the “intimacy and colour of his pieces, and the inherent newsworthiness of his stories” that attracted the American public, who found this unconventional newsfeed more appealing than the “Operation Shock and Awe” (Enough Rope, 2004) that was repeatedly broadcasted by mainstream media. Similarly fascinating to readers, is the real-time and local expertise aspects of grassroots journalism – also evident in Salam Pax’s blog. Pax fondly became known as the ‘Baghdad Blogger’, and as the war continued, “his readership grew to millions” while his accounts were quoted in the New York Times, BBC, and Britain’s Guardian newspaper (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32).
With respect to altering previous power settings of the public sphere, citizen journalism breaks down existing barriers to entry and facilitates the emergence of new ideas and alternative perspectives from the bottom-up. Its impact can be further explored using Todd Gitlin’s ‘frame theory’. Gitlin suggests that media frame reality through “principles of selection, emphasis, and presentation composed of little tacit theories about what exists, what happens, and what matters” (1980: 6). Increasingly, as Drezner and Farrell note, journalists and mainstream media take their cues about ‘what matters’ in the world from weblogs (2004). The example of Salam Pax and the popularity of his blog during the Iraq War shows how this element of participatory culture “opens up the process” of media production (Miller, 2005: 24). Citizen journalism is thus shown to improve the “transparency” of the media system, lowering the barriers to entry and allowing alternative perspectives to enter the public sphere (Miller, 2005: 24). Moreover, it allows regular members of the community to become “creators and producers and designers of media instead of passive consumers”, as they were in the traditional media power relationship (Miller, 2005: 23).
From yet another angle, blogs can be seen to alter previous ideas of power through their regulatory function. In ‘Web of Influence,’ Drezner and Farrell describe the blogosphere as “a ‘fifth estate’ that keeps watch over the mainstream media” (2004: 37). It is the speed with which bloggers are able to react to information and events, that “compels the media to correct errors in their own reporting before they mushroom” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 37). Josh Marshall dedicates a section of his blog to such ‘fact-checking’. ‘The Horse’s Mouth’ provides an area where mistakes in the mainstream media are highlighted and corrections presented, thus illustrating this influence. Most recently for example, Greg Sargent (a reporter-blogger on Marshall’s site) debunked an attempted Republican “hit out” (at an opposing politician,) that the Associated Press was “already running with”. In fact, “all it took was one phone call on (Sargent’s) part” to prove a vital piece of information untrue, and in effect completely rendering the attempt “a non-story” (Sargent, 2007:1). This example illustrates the way in which “bloggers have started to ‘control’ conventional journalism through their commentary on the news and on the manner of reportage” as noted by Cecile Landman (Lovink, 2006: 120). Furthermore, Yale University law Professor Jack Balkin, suggests “built in correction mechanism(s) for ideological bias” and incorrect reporting exists in the blogosphere, since it is devoted to criticizing what other people have to say (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 37). Such is the potential for a participatory audience to become involved in the production process of media, and regulate, to some extent, the final product. This ‘fact-checking’ capacity of participatory culture is an additional way in which the old power paradigms of media have been disturbed.
One must also be aware however, of the restrictions that accompany the development of participatory culture in the public sphere. In terms of blogs, these limits centre largely on the fact that blogs are “wholly dependent upon access to the Internet” (Ezer, 2005: 10). Salam Pax’s silence shortly after the Iraq War began for example, prompted fears for his safety and alarmed his fans. But “Salam hadn’t lost his life, just his Internet access” (Dehnart, 2004: 1). Additionally, sceptics suggest several problems with blogging that are too often inadequately addressed. Diane Ezer, suggests that “it is deeply hierarchical, male-dominated…(and) centralized” (Ezer, 2005: 10). The question also remains as to whether blogs have any affect “in regimes where there is no thriving independent media sector” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 38). While blogs may be “more difficult to control than television or newspapers”, they are still “vulnerable to state censorship” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32). It is therefore important to note, taking the case of blogs, that whilst certain power paradigms may be disrupted, there are also significant constraints acting on these effects. One such constraint is the introduction of new means of control into the public sphere.
Those adopting the optimistic view in which “blogs are taken to be a new form of journalism” often praise the ‘democratic’ attributes of new media (Cohen, 2006: 99). In particular, blogs are hailed as an equalising force on the relationship between consumers and producers of media. Several key theorists, such as O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, describe this process as ‘democratisation’ of the media sphere (2002). The concept refers to “increased access to communication and information”, of which “the Internet is the major element” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). Not surprisingly, the clearest and most prominent example of this idea in effect, is that of any blog. American Josh Marshall’s leading political blog, ‘Talking Points Memo’, will be used as the case in point. Specifically, it is worth noting Marshall’s blogging activity during December 2002. It was at this time that Trent Lott, the U.S Senate majority leader, made racially insensitive remarks at a key news event. Other than the ABC News, (who “ran a small piece about it, but got no reaction”) these remarks were not picked up in mainstream media reports of the occasion (Naughton, 2004: 2). As a result, “the story effectively died” (Naughton, 2004: 2). Bloggers however, led by Josh Marshall, seized on Lott’s comments. Immediately following the event, Marshall continued to scrutinize the politician and carried out his own investigations – revealing past statements made by Lott that were similarly insensitive. After the incident was made “the subject of intense online commentary,” the continuous prodding of the blogosphere “renewed media attention that converted Lott’s gaffe into a full-blown scandal” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 33). Lott eventually resigned his leadership position “under party pressure” (Perlmutter, 2005: 60).
Although previously rejected by the mass media, Marshall effectively kept this story alive and facilitated its deserved entry into the media system. In doing so, Marshall illustrates how “it is now possible for anyone to become a media practitioner and to start bypassing some of the standard media outlets” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). There was no traditional editorial force acting on Marshall’s story before it was published, nor was there any pressure for the story to achieve a public reaction in order to be pursued. This “unprecedented personal control over the production, manipulation, and distribution of content”, that is offered by new media forms, challenges the inequalities of power that previously existed (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 431). Furthermore, the case of Trent Lott demonstrates how “blogging…has broken down the controlling distinctions that once existed between…insiders and outsiders, professionals and amateurs” (McNair, 2006: 132).
An additional source of the changing power balance can be found in citizen journalism. This form of grassroots media production refers to “content (that) is generated almost exclusively by members of the community, rather than by professional journalists” (Miller, 2005: 22). One of the most influential examples of such citizen journalism took place during the Iraq War. For instance, Salam Pax was the pseudonym for a 29-year-old Iraqi architect whose online diary, “featuring wry and candid observations about life in wartime”, earned him a cult following (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32). Pax's blog, 'Where is Raed?' is a “well-crafted” English-language journal, “purporting to offer a first hand report of the war” and attracting almost 100,000 visitors in March 2003 (The Advocate Report, 2003: 1). In the absence of “a substantial foreign news corps on the ground,” Pax provided regular “dispatches from the scene of the most dramatic events” (McNair, 2006: 126). His blog’s immense popularity however, can largely be attributed to his alternative perspective, as a local Iraqi who conveyed a sense of dismay at the destruction of his city (made clear in his interview with Australian talk show host Andrew Denton). It was the “intimacy and colour of his pieces, and the inherent newsworthiness of his stories” that attracted the American public, who found this unconventional newsfeed more appealing than the “Operation Shock and Awe” (Enough Rope, 2004) that was repeatedly broadcasted by mainstream media. Similarly fascinating to readers, is the real-time and local expertise aspects of grassroots journalism – also evident in Salam Pax’s blog. Pax fondly became known as the ‘Baghdad Blogger’, and as the war continued, “his readership grew to millions” while his accounts were quoted in the New York Times, BBC, and Britain’s Guardian newspaper (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32).
With respect to altering previous power settings of the public sphere, citizen journalism breaks down existing barriers to entry and facilitates the emergence of new ideas and alternative perspectives from the bottom-up. Its impact can be further explored using Todd Gitlin’s ‘frame theory’. Gitlin suggests that media frame reality through “principles of selection, emphasis, and presentation composed of little tacit theories about what exists, what happens, and what matters” (1980: 6). Increasingly, as Drezner and Farrell note, journalists and mainstream media take their cues about ‘what matters’ in the world from weblogs (2004). The example of Salam Pax and the popularity of his blog during the Iraq War shows how this element of participatory culture “opens up the process” of media production (Miller, 2005: 24). Citizen journalism is thus shown to improve the “transparency” of the media system, lowering the barriers to entry and allowing alternative perspectives to enter the public sphere (Miller, 2005: 24). Moreover, it allows regular members of the community to become “creators and producers and designers of media instead of passive consumers”, as they were in the traditional media power relationship (Miller, 2005: 23).
From yet another angle, blogs can be seen to alter previous ideas of power through their regulatory function. In ‘Web of Influence,’ Drezner and Farrell describe the blogosphere as “a ‘fifth estate’ that keeps watch over the mainstream media” (2004: 37). It is the speed with which bloggers are able to react to information and events, that “compels the media to correct errors in their own reporting before they mushroom” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 37). Josh Marshall dedicates a section of his blog to such ‘fact-checking’. ‘The Horse’s Mouth’ provides an area where mistakes in the mainstream media are highlighted and corrections presented, thus illustrating this influence. Most recently for example, Greg Sargent (a reporter-blogger on Marshall’s site) debunked an attempted Republican “hit out” (at an opposing politician,) that the Associated Press was “already running with”. In fact, “all it took was one phone call on (Sargent’s) part” to prove a vital piece of information untrue, and in effect completely rendering the attempt “a non-story” (Sargent, 2007:1). This example illustrates the way in which “bloggers have started to ‘control’ conventional journalism through their commentary on the news and on the manner of reportage” as noted by Cecile Landman (Lovink, 2006: 120). Furthermore, Yale University law Professor Jack Balkin, suggests “built in correction mechanism(s) for ideological bias” and incorrect reporting exists in the blogosphere, since it is devoted to criticizing what other people have to say (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 37). Such is the potential for a participatory audience to become involved in the production process of media, and regulate, to some extent, the final product. This ‘fact-checking’ capacity of participatory culture is an additional way in which the old power paradigms of media have been disturbed.
One must also be aware however, of the restrictions that accompany the development of participatory culture in the public sphere. In terms of blogs, these limits centre largely on the fact that blogs are “wholly dependent upon access to the Internet” (Ezer, 2005: 10). Salam Pax’s silence shortly after the Iraq War began for example, prompted fears for his safety and alarmed his fans. But “Salam hadn’t lost his life, just his Internet access” (Dehnart, 2004: 1). Additionally, sceptics suggest several problems with blogging that are too often inadequately addressed. Diane Ezer, suggests that “it is deeply hierarchical, male-dominated…(and) centralized” (Ezer, 2005: 10). The question also remains as to whether blogs have any affect “in regimes where there is no thriving independent media sector” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 38). While blogs may be “more difficult to control than television or newspapers”, they are still “vulnerable to state censorship” (Drezner and Farrell, 2004: 32). It is therefore important to note, taking the case of blogs, that whilst certain power paradigms may be disrupted, there are also significant constraints acting on these effects. One such constraint is the introduction of new means of control into the public sphere.
Intimacy of Salam Pax's Stories
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Intimacy of Salam Pax's Stories
How to have Fun in Baghdad
11 min 30 sec - 7/08/2006
Average rating: 
Description: Tired of all the death and destruction, Baghdad Blogger, Salam Pax, looks for fun things to do in Baghdad. With insurgents targeting more and more activities, are normal pastimes still possible? "My favourite forms of escapism are pop music, television and art", Salam states. So he begins his journey looking for music shops. But since music was declared 'unislamic', virtually all shops have closed. As Iraqis no longer gather in public, only one art gallery and florist remain open. "Asking the Iraqi public to come to an exhibition is like asking them to walk through a minefield", complains the gallery owner. "People are afraid to get together." Perhaps because of this, ratings for soap operas are soaring as people look for things they can do in the relative safety of their homes. www.journeyman.tv
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Entrenching New Mechanisms of Control
Though new media and participatory culture are undoubtedly creating a radical change in the media and communication systems, the result may not necessarily be a more democratic media. Indeed, it has also been suggested that new mechanisms of control in the public sphere may also be established with the rise of participatory culture. This control is reflected in two disproportionate forms – control by the consumer, but more widely held is control of the consumer.
The foremost means of control by the consumer, embedded by participatory culture, is control over the media that they engage with. In line with previous discussions regarding how blogs allow alternative perspectives of news events and social issues to enter the public sphere, the concept of ‘narrowcasting’ emerges. Narrowcast media transmission “caters for small groups of people” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 432) and as Jenkins describes, it specifically involves this “alternative sphere of popular culture” (2004: 38). Furthermore, the popularity and explosion in the number of blogs, illustrates what Jenkins identifies as “a push…towards greater narrowcasting” (Jenkins, 2004: 38). It is “in this context, consumers are expected to play a much more active role in determining what content is appropriate” (Jenkins, 2004: 38). The growing power of consumers to ‘filter’ what they see can be described as a “process of personalization” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). While some such as Rebecca Blood (2000: 2) describe this as “a valuable filtering function” for consumers, it is essential to also note that “limiting their exposure to topics and points of view of their own choosing” poses some danger to the democratic element of new media, previously considered (Sunstein, 2004: 58). Liberal political supporters may choose to “isolate themselves” in Josh Marshall’s political blog for example, and “speak only with like-minded others” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). Such perfect individual control over content however, “can reduce the importance of the ‘public sphere’” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). This is in view of the fact that the public sphere refers to a space “where ideas and feelings relevant to politics are transmitted or exchanged openly,” regardless of whether they have explicitly chosen the encounter (Bennett and Entman, 2001: 3). Thus, it is clear that participatory culture, as evidenced by blogs, offers a new mechanism of control for consumers to control what information they engage with. The reality that this may create serious dangers to democracy however, must also be considered.
A more widespread form of control entrenched by participatory culture, exists as control of the consumer. This is frequently demonstrated in the blogosphere, through the use of moderating techniques, such as administrators, moderators and the presence of rules. In such cases, there is a degree of regulation as to who can access posts or forums. Specifically, and as defined by ‘Blogspot’, administrators and/or moderators “have the ability to edit and delete posts”, as well as “add or remove other” users who disobey the site rules. Similar control is provided by the use of an editorial hierarchy, as exemplified by Talking Points Memo. In this case, the hierarchy includes an editor and publisher (Marshall), deputy editor, associate editors, reporter-bloggers and research interns. The hierarchy again acts as a degree of regulation. As editorial forces between the consumer and publishing consumer content, both the presence of a hierarchy and use of moderating techniques, reflect an additional barrier to entry to the public sphere. Hence, a new mechanism of control over the consumer is entrenched by participatory culture.
A growing number of critiques of the democratic possibilities of participatory culture and the Internet, focus on the commercialisation of cyberspace. In terms of blogs, this refers to how the blogosphere is being reincorporated into traditional media models. The way in which blogging has become an arm of multi-platform corporate strategies, will thus be explored. This primarily applies to the acquisition of blogging services by other traditional media companies, and reflects the transformation to a more “centralised and recorporatised” cyberspace (Cover, 2004: 184). Such a transformation “significantly undercut(s) the web’s prevailing gift economy,” and in the case of blogs, it questions the open source characteristic upon which the blogosphere is built (Jenkins, 2004: 39). For example; Google bought blogger.com in 2003, Windows have developed the hugely popular MSN Spaces (Windows Live Space), Yahoo Inc. created 360°, and Fox Interactive (News Corporation) famously bought Myspace for $580 million in 2005 (BBC News, 2005: 1). These blogging tools and servers are effectively traded as commodities that become owned by corporate shareholders.
As the corporate media regain their considerable influence and control over the public sphere, important implications for consumers arise – namely, users are vulnerable to exploitation and restricted rights as the profit maximizing aim of corporate owners is realised. This idea is highlighted through the efforts of musician Billy Bragg. In 2006, Bragg successfully lobbied News Corporation’s MySpace to change its terms and conditions to clarify the rights granted to musicians who post files on its website. Bragg followed on later, to challenge the founders of Bebo over similar claims. In fact, The Guardian newspaper reported that “before Bragg’s intervention, Bebo’s proprietary rights clause claimed perpetual and irrevocable rights in all content appearing on the site” (Day, 2006: 2). As Bragg stressed, this meant that even if material had been removed from the site, Bebo would still retain rights in it (Day, 2006: 2). While these significant events in the blogosphere prove that consumer’s may still exercise the right to challenge corporate owners, it also reveals the vulnerability of users to hidden terms and conditions employed by site owners. Bragg demonstrated this yet again, with his most recent corporate challenge of 'MTV Flux' and it's terms of use. The possibility that users may unknowingly be exploited, presents a new means of control to corporations as owners of these participatory platforms, in such a dominant position.
The foremost means of control by the consumer, embedded by participatory culture, is control over the media that they engage with. In line with previous discussions regarding how blogs allow alternative perspectives of news events and social issues to enter the public sphere, the concept of ‘narrowcasting’ emerges. Narrowcast media transmission “caters for small groups of people” (O’Shaughnessy and Stadler, 2002: 432) and as Jenkins describes, it specifically involves this “alternative sphere of popular culture” (2004: 38). Furthermore, the popularity and explosion in the number of blogs, illustrates what Jenkins identifies as “a push…towards greater narrowcasting” (Jenkins, 2004: 38). It is “in this context, consumers are expected to play a much more active role in determining what content is appropriate” (Jenkins, 2004: 38). The growing power of consumers to ‘filter’ what they see can be described as a “process of personalization” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). While some such as Rebecca Blood (2000: 2) describe this as “a valuable filtering function” for consumers, it is essential to also note that “limiting their exposure to topics and points of view of their own choosing” poses some danger to the democratic element of new media, previously considered (Sunstein, 2004: 58). Liberal political supporters may choose to “isolate themselves” in Josh Marshall’s political blog for example, and “speak only with like-minded others” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). Such perfect individual control over content however, “can reduce the importance of the ‘public sphere’” (Sunstein, 2004: 58). This is in view of the fact that the public sphere refers to a space “where ideas and feelings relevant to politics are transmitted or exchanged openly,” regardless of whether they have explicitly chosen the encounter (Bennett and Entman, 2001: 3). Thus, it is clear that participatory culture, as evidenced by blogs, offers a new mechanism of control for consumers to control what information they engage with. The reality that this may create serious dangers to democracy however, must also be considered.
A more widespread form of control entrenched by participatory culture, exists as control of the consumer. This is frequently demonstrated in the blogosphere, through the use of moderating techniques, such as administrators, moderators and the presence of rules. In such cases, there is a degree of regulation as to who can access posts or forums. Specifically, and as defined by ‘Blogspot’, administrators and/or moderators “have the ability to edit and delete posts”, as well as “add or remove other” users who disobey the site rules. Similar control is provided by the use of an editorial hierarchy, as exemplified by Talking Points Memo. In this case, the hierarchy includes an editor and publisher (Marshall), deputy editor, associate editors, reporter-bloggers and research interns. The hierarchy again acts as a degree of regulation. As editorial forces between the consumer and publishing consumer content, both the presence of a hierarchy and use of moderating techniques, reflect an additional barrier to entry to the public sphere. Hence, a new mechanism of control over the consumer is entrenched by participatory culture.
A growing number of critiques of the democratic possibilities of participatory culture and the Internet, focus on the commercialisation of cyberspace. In terms of blogs, this refers to how the blogosphere is being reincorporated into traditional media models. The way in which blogging has become an arm of multi-platform corporate strategies, will thus be explored. This primarily applies to the acquisition of blogging services by other traditional media companies, and reflects the transformation to a more “centralised and recorporatised” cyberspace (Cover, 2004: 184). Such a transformation “significantly undercut(s) the web’s prevailing gift economy,” and in the case of blogs, it questions the open source characteristic upon which the blogosphere is built (Jenkins, 2004: 39). For example; Google bought blogger.com in 2003, Windows have developed the hugely popular MSN Spaces (Windows Live Space), Yahoo Inc. created 360°, and Fox Interactive (News Corporation) famously bought Myspace for $580 million in 2005 (BBC News, 2005: 1). These blogging tools and servers are effectively traded as commodities that become owned by corporate shareholders.
As the corporate media regain their considerable influence and control over the public sphere, important implications for consumers arise – namely, users are vulnerable to exploitation and restricted rights as the profit maximizing aim of corporate owners is realised. This idea is highlighted through the efforts of musician Billy Bragg. In 2006, Bragg successfully lobbied News Corporation’s MySpace to change its terms and conditions to clarify the rights granted to musicians who post files on its website. Bragg followed on later, to challenge the founders of Bebo over similar claims. In fact, The Guardian newspaper reported that “before Bragg’s intervention, Bebo’s proprietary rights clause claimed perpetual and irrevocable rights in all content appearing on the site” (Day, 2006: 2). As Bragg stressed, this meant that even if material had been removed from the site, Bebo would still retain rights in it (Day, 2006: 2). While these significant events in the blogosphere prove that consumer’s may still exercise the right to challenge corporate owners, it also reveals the vulnerability of users to hidden terms and conditions employed by site owners. Bragg demonstrated this yet again, with his most recent corporate challenge of 'MTV Flux' and it's terms of use. The possibility that users may unknowingly be exploited, presents a new means of control to corporations as owners of these participatory platforms, in such a dominant position.
Conclusion
Evidently, one must be wary of the tendency to be swept up in the exciting and optimistic potentials of participatory culture, without fully appreciating its limits. New media forms that invite audience involvement into the media production process, clearly have a strong potential to dislocate the previously held ‘top-down’ power paradigms of traditional mass media. Yet the example of blogs, shows how this positive impact can be offset by the introduction of new restrictive forces on the public sphere. Specifically, this essay focuses on the establishment of additional forms of control, as illustrated by the blogosphere. The importance of acknowledging these less positive impacts on the public sphere is that they are very real problems, that can potentially suppress many of the developments described of new media. Yet it is equally as important, as Jenkins notes – to focus not only on what the media is doing to us, as consumers, but to also focus on what we are doing with media (2006). As history supports, reform of the media system gains momentum “at a time when people are starting to feel more empowered, not when they are at their weakest” (Jenkins, 2006: 248). Therefore, while it is critical to accept the aforementioned limits of new media, the invaluable opportunities presented by new media must be pursued whilst they exist.
Monday, May 21, 2007
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• Perlmutter, D. (2005) ‘The ascent of blogging: old media report on the new media, but they haven’t figured out how to adapt’, Nieman Reports 59 (3): 60-65.
• Sunstein, C. (2004) ‘Democracy and filtering’, Communications of the ACM 47 (12): 57-59.
• Talking Points Memo URL (consulted May 2007): http://www.talkingpointsmemo.com
• The Advocate. (2003) ‘Blog from Baghdad’, The Advocate April (888): 23.
• Where is Raed? URL (consulted May 2007): http://dear_raed.blogspot.com/
• Wright, C. (1960) ‘Functional Analysis and Mass Communication’, The Public Opinion Quarterly 24 (4): 605-620
• Bennett, W. and Entman, R. (eds) (2001) Mediated Politics: Communication in the Future of Democracy. New York: Cambridge University Press.
• Blood, R. (2000) ‘Weblogs: A History and Perspective’, Rebecca’s Pocket, URL (consulted May 2007): http://www.rebeccablood.net/essays/weblog_history.html
• Cohen, K. (2006) ‘A Welcome for Blogs’, Continuum: Journal of Media and Culture Studies 20 (2): 161-173.
• Cover, R. (2004) ‘New media theory: Electronic games, democracy and reconfiguring the author-audience relationship’, Social Semiotics 14 (2): 173-191.
• Day, J. (2006) ‘Bragg Claims Online Victory for Musicians’ Rights’, The Guardian Online, 24 August,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk_news/story/0,,1856725,00.html.
• Dehnart, A. (2004) ‘Tales of the Baghdad Blogger’, The Advocate January (906): 88.
• Drezner, D, and Farrell, H. (2004) ‘Web of influence’, Foreign Policy Nov/Dec (145): 32-40.
• Enough Rope (2004) ABC Television 17 May (video recording).
• Ezer, D. (2005) ‘What’s next for blogs?’, Foreign Policy Mar/April (147): 8-10.
• Gitlin, T. (1980) The Whole World is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left. Berkely: University of California Press.
• Jenkins, H. (2004) ‘The cultural logic of media convergence’, International Journal of Cultural Studies 7 (1): 33-43.
• Jenkins, H. (2006) Convergence Culture: Where Old and New Media Collide. New York: New York University Press.
• Lovink, G. (2006) ‘Support Iraqi Bloggers: Interview with Cecile Landman. In M. Narula, S. Sengupta, R. Sundaram, J. Bagchi, A. Sharan, & G. Lovink (eds). Sarai Reader. Delhi: Sarai Media Lab.
• McNair, B. (2006) Cultural Chaos: Journalism, News and Power in a Globalised World. London: Routledge.
• Miller, R. (2005) ‘Journalism returns to its (GRASS) roots’, EContent 28 (6): 22-27.
• MTV Flux URL (consulted May 2007): http://www.mtv.co.uk/channel/flux
• Naughton, J. (2004) ‘Power to the Bloggers? That’s Only Half the Story’, The Guardian Online, 14 March, http://observer.guardian.co.uk/business/story/0,6903,1168745,00.html.
• O’Shaughnessy, M. and Stadler, J. (2002) Media and Society: an Introduction. South Melbourne: Oxford University Press.
• Perlmutter, D. (2005) ‘The ascent of blogging: old media report on the new media, but they haven’t figured out how to adapt’, Nieman Reports 59 (3): 60-65.
• Sunstein, C. (2004) ‘Democracy and filtering’, Communications of the ACM 47 (12): 57-59.
• Talking Points Memo URL (consulted May 2007): http://www.talkingpointsmemo.com
• The Advocate. (2003) ‘Blog from Baghdad’, The Advocate April (888): 23.
• Where is Raed? URL (consulted May 2007): http://dear_raed.blogspot.com/
• Wright, C. (1960) ‘Functional Analysis and Mass Communication’, The Public Opinion Quarterly 24 (4): 605-620
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